That's a major change from most election years -- mayoral or supervisorial -- because lobbyists have a tradition of early backing for the incumbent, who can still affect their business. Lobbyists maintained this tradition by sending checks to Supervisors Carole Migden and Kevin Shelley, who are candidates for Assembly seats in an election that is still nearly a year away. Both Shelley, who received $6,500, and Migden, who received $5,100, were blessed with more funds from lobbyists than any of the four mayoral candidates.
Incumbent Mayor Frank Jordan received an uninspiring total of $4,750 in the first six months of his re-election bid. Even this total is misleading, since $2,000 of it came from four legally separate entities of Chevron, and $750 more came from the SF Baseball, Ltd partnership in a contribution to Jordan's 1991 campaign committee. Jordan is trying to clear the debts of his last campaign by raising money for it as he simultaneously fund-raises for his new campaign. Jordan, you remember, is being audited by the state Franchise Tax Board at the request of the state Fair Political Practices Commission.
Speaker Emeritus Willie Brown got a $2,000 check from the Pacific Stock Exchange -- but the money went to Brown's Assembly committee, not his mayoral fund. Roberta Achtenberg got $100 from an employee/lobbyist at powerhouse firm Solem and Associates, while Angela Alioto got nary a dime from any of the city's lobbyists.
"We usually go with the incumbent," says one lobbyist who asked not to be named. "But this year it looks like a different candidate will win. I think you'll see the money begin in September" when new polls come out.
Despite the slow pace of lobbyist giving, this still appears to be shaping up as the city's most expensive mayoral campaign in history.
The reports from the candidates themselves don't have to be filed until July 31, but each campaign has offered an advance spin on what will be found when the envelope is opened. Clint Reilly, Jordan's campaign manager, says Hizzoner will have raised about $700,000. That doesn't count, apparently, what he had to shuffle into the 1991 committee debts. Brown says he will have raised about $200,000, and Achtenberg's managers say she will have raised about $130,000.
Jordan, need we be reminded, sued to keep a new law from going into effect that would have limited him to spending about $1 million in this year's contest, claiming he intended to raise as much money as he could.
As for the lobby reports themselves, it's clear that Supervisor Terence Hallinan's rewrite of the city's 1988 law adding new disclosure requirements smoked out -- for the first time -- some of the city's biggest companies engaging in City Hall lobbying. (Not that they weren't lobbying before -- they just didn't have to tell us under the former law's requirements.)
"It shows the importance of that kind of legislation," says Hallinan. "A lot of people ridicule you for trying to dot those i's and cross those t's, but it shows the public what's really going on."
The newly registered companies include the Pacific Stock Exchange, the Shorenstein Co., Charles Schwab Co., Wells Fargo Bank, CitiBank, and McKesson Co.
It turns out that most of these companies were in the lobby pool just for a quick dip during the last three months, pumping up the budget of a new group -- San Franciscans for Sensible Government. No sooner had these companies registered, having written a check to the new group, than they filed papers terminating their statuses as lobbyists.
San Franciscans for Sensible Government, whose contributors nearly match the companies that report contributing to the Committee on Jobs, took the laurels for the fattest bank account. The interested public won't divine the real amount by reading "Sensible's" report, which states it spent only $2,165.23 (the Committee on Jobs reports spending a total of just $9,712.89 to influence City Hall in the past three months; internal documents show the group's total budget for the year actually is close to $500,000). A total of 13 other companies that register lobbying activities report having paid $121,378 to "Sensible" in the past three months, and it is certain that other companies that aren't registered lobbyists also contributed. The biggest giver was Bank of America, which dropped a $20,000 check into the coffer. PG&E, Pacific Bell, and Wells Fargo each put in $14,600 -- an interesting use of ratepayer money on the part of the two utilities.
This large bank account for lobbying is of more than academic interest. "Sensible" is a pro-business, anti-tax coalition that aims first to kill off Supervisor Tom Ammiano's proposed tax increases, and then to form a new political alliance to affect San Francisco policies across the board. It is both an offspring of the Committee on Jobs and an evolution of that committee's earlier stated purpose, which was to shift San Francisco's political fulcrum to further leverage business interests. The Committee on Jobs hoped to build a coalition of downtown businesses, homeowners, and the lesbian and gay community around a common goal and jointly dominate the city's policy agenda.
The Committee on Jobs served as much more than a lobbying group; it also held fund-raisers where its members bundled more than $300,000 in contributions to favored supervisor candidates in last year's election. At the same time, the member companies and the committee's allies spent nearly $500,000 to defeat a ballot measure that would have increased commercial property taxes to pay for better Muni service.
Despite the formidable money machine, downtown's biggest employers were aware that they hadn't bought much after the smoke cleared. Liberals beat conservatives for board seats, the defeat of the transit assessment district only left the status quo intact and did not represent a gain, and a major effort to win charter reform was murdered at the Board of Supervisors by neighborhood activists.
The emergence now of San Franciscans for Sensible Government -- or as Supervisor Ammiano mockingly calls it, "San Franciscans for Sensible Shoes" -- demonstrates that the business community is willing to keep its hand in the game and raise the stakes.
"Sensible" claims to represent a coalition of big and small business and some neighborhood representatives. Its first mailer of 50,000 pieces relies heavily on reprints of "Fat City" articles from the San Francisco Examiner.
Despite weaknesses and loopholes in the city's lobbyist disclosure law, the public did get a glimpse of one lobbyist in action on a critical issue. Supervisor Alioto introduced an ordinance requiring that Hizzoner fund a feasibility study for municipalization of PG&E's utility service to San Franciscans. The issue went through several wringers at City Hall before finally being sandwiched into the city's budget plan. PG&E reports that it spent $7,939.28 trying to defeat Alioto's proposal.
Dethroning King Arthur
San Francisco Republican Party Chair Arthur Bruzzone swelled with party pride two months ago as he boasted of busing himself and allies to Orange County where he was part of the successful campaign to recall Assemblyman Paul Horcher for breaking party ranks by voting to keep Willie Brown as speaker. No Republican could vote for a Democrat as speaker, Bruzzone intoned at the time. For Bruzzone, the show of party loyalty from San Francisco Republicans was particularly important: He had just been named to a state GOP office as spokesman for county GOP committees like the one he heads here.
How times change. Now Bruzzone is doing back flips trying to knock out fellow Republican Ben Hom from a run for San Francisco mayor, charging that Hom is being used by Brown to steal Republican votes from Frank Jordan. Hizzoner, a nominal Democrat, previously has shown so much partiality to Republicans that he spent one Election Night at Republican Party headquarters cheering GOP victories over Democratic incumbents.
Bruzzone has even manufactured a 27-question test for mayoral candidates that asks which Republicans have endorsed the candidate and how many Republicans have won appointments from the candidate -- but avoids asking which party registration the candidate himself holds.
Hom is not taking Bruzzone's pimping for Jordan lying down. A substantial contributor to Republican causes, Hom has recruited other Republican givers to insist that state party officials oust Bruzzone from his new post if he or the local committee endorses a Democrat over a Republican for the nonpartisan mayor's post.
As for that darn questionnaire -- Brown intends to send it back with a note saying, "Thanks but no thanks." Even in a bid for mayor, Brown has no intention of suddenly playing the fool for the GOP.
They Have Answers,
We Have Questions
When the University of California Board of Regents voted last week, one of those voting to end affirmative action was Jordan appointee Howard Leach, who serves as deputy chief of protocol for government relations. Maybe Jordan should wait awhile before he expands Leach's turf to include interracial relations. Millionaire Republican Leach is himself the beneficiary of affirmative action in being named to the Board of Regents -- tapped under the Deukmejian-Wilson outreach program to Republican millionaire donors. ... An embarrassed John Crew, the ACLU's lobbyist on police discipline issues, spent part of last week dodging reporters because he was refusing to reveal the closed-door deal he made with the Police Officers Association to remove important discipline cases from the Police Commission and turn them over to an arbitrator. Finally it was the police officers themselves who 'fessed up to the public policy rewrite soon to appear in the form of a charter amendment. After everybody else talked, Crew started dialing reporters to do an after-the-fact spin.
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